Anneli Xie
Profs. Nikhil Rao & Lidwien Kapteijns
HIST 367: The Indian Ocean as African, Arab, and South Asian History
2020/12/09
Profs. Nikhil Rao & Lidwien Kapteijns
HIST 367: The Indian Ocean as African, Arab, and South Asian History
2020/12/09
Scholarly Monograph – Dubai: An Urban Spectacle
by Yasser Elsheshtawy
In
middle school, Dubai was on everybody’s lips. Stories of indoor ski slopes,
palm tree-shaped islands, and skyrises were eagerly told by those fortunate
enough to have been blessed by the city’s desert breeze. Dubai – that
seemingly arose out of nowhere – was the new hip vacation place to visit,
and everyone wanted in. Founded on commodification and commercialization, Dubai
became a brand in and of itself, identifiable by its exported image of affluence,
extravagance, and enjoyment. As I’ve grown older, the Dubai hype has since long
faded, but I’ve always been curious to understand where it came from. More than
a willingness to contextualize my unfulfilled childhood wishes, Dubai is also
an extremely intriguing case to study through the lens of architecture and
urban planning. What lies behind this notion of success, how did Dubai rise to
the top, and what answers can be found in a spatial investigation of the city?
InDubai: Behind an Urban Spectacle, Yasser Elsheshtawy argues that considering Dubai solely through its spectacular architectural projects and its illusive appearance of wealth presents a simplistic view of a city with manifold history, culture, and urban life. For many – including my middle-school friends and I – this artificial presentation becomes a singular truth; a “Borgesian reality,” ( Elsheshtawy, 1) confirmed through the conventional Western image of the city as built on a tabula rasa and exported through the concept of Dubaization. Dubaization presents a rapid urbanization which relies on spectacular and non-contextual megaprojects; a product of neoliberalism that has been argued as a tool that “poor countries can leverage to catapult themselves into first-world levels of affluence.” (Elsheshtawy, 251) However, while Dubaization has been appropriated in other cities in the Middle East and beyond, it is important to note that it rejects Dubai’s non-singular history in search of an exportable and cohesive narrative that focuses on the city’s new and spectacular developments. However, as Elsheshtawy aims to prove, the narrative of the city is far from singular, with multiple actors, interests, and histories constantly in play. In order to understand Dubai in its full complexity, Elsheshtawy instead suggests looking at the city’s lesser-known spaces, often hidden behind a spectacular façade of megaprojects. By looking beyond, into hidden alleyways and traditional neighborhoods, “the true Dubai emerges which is not a representation or a fake reality.” (Elsheshtawy, 3)
In order to deconstruct Dubai as a Borgesian reality, Elsheshtawy begins by classifying the city as aspiring to be a global city – “evidenced spatially in its gleaming towers […] and so on” – which the author finds “highly problematic.” (Elsheshtawy, 18) The concept of a global city is typically associated with metropolises such as London, New York, and Tokyo, but is becoming increasingly widespread as more cities expand and globalize. Popularized by social geographer Saskia Sassen in her work on globalization and human migration, the global city is defined as, in Elsheshtawy’s words, “a city which concentrates financial services and acts as a command-and-control center for the rest of the world.” (Elsheshtawy, 21) The global city hypothesis homogenizes the process of globalization, which Elsheshtawy deems dubious. Instead, he claims that in reality, Dubai may be more of a transnational city than its exported appearance of a global one, meaning an association with resistance and where “both global and local processes occur almost simultaneously.” (Elsheshtawy, 211) In Dubai, this concept of transnationalism can largely be seen in the spatial manifestation of Dubai’s as a “migrant city,” (Elsheshtawy, 18) home to more than 200 nationalities and a population comprised of “more than 90% of non-residents.” (Elsheshtawy, 1) However, this side of Dubai is rarely popularized in mainstream media, that chooses instead to focus on the neoliberal economic policy of Dubaization and the “visible manifestation of the sizeable new consumer elite.” (Elsheshtawy, 22) In Elsheshtawy’s argument, the built environment becomes especially influential in this context, “because [buildings] give the appearance of a global city” that makes the exported image of Dubai – this Borgesian reality – so prominent.
Looking closer at Dubai’s status as a “migrant city,” reveals the emergence of “a new form of citizen […] – a transnational subject,” as manifested in the city’s spatial practices. Elsheshtawy explains that “in spite of the existence of numerous nationalities, each has its own dedicated space,” (Elsheshtawy, 28) and residents occupy both the city as a local space and their (remote) home as a global setting. (Elsheshtawy, 211) Here, Elsheshtawy problematizes the concept of hybridity which otherwise is often associated with these transnational members. According to him, the concept of hybridity, or when certain sociocultural practices are merged to generate a new identity, implies a notion of “happy co-existence [that] does not bear much relation to reality.” (Elsheshtawy, 211) In Dubai, hybridity is problematized through not only a complex history of migration, but also “the city’s dilemma in articulating a clearly definable identity,” (Elsheshtawy, 95) an obvious issue in forming the cohesive export of Dubaization. Expanding upon this argument, Elsheshtawy writes of efforts by city officials to re-invent Dubai’s complex heritage, with city officials going so far as to claim that “identity is something that is unfortunately lacking in Dubai,”(Elsheshtawy, 96) which dismisses the complex history of Dubai’s migrant population. Nevertheless, efforts have been made to establish a cohesive and “illusive ‘Arab’ identity” in the city’s new developments, something Elsheshtawy argues was never really part of the city’s history to begin with. Instead, Elsheshtawy argues that – while Dubai’s heritage might not be culturally cohesive – its vibrant existence can be found in the often-overlooked parts of the city. Examples of this can be seen in Elsheshtawy’s ethnographic accounts of the Hindu Temple and the Iranian Special Ustadi Restaurant, which are both tucked away from the city’s main spaces but whose vibrant atmospheres may to Dubai’s expatriate population be “a reminder of home.” (Elsheshtawy, 87) Their spatial location in the city is argued to highlight the sense of ‘foreignness,’ but also begs the question of who is foreign and who is not; and for whom the city is really geared towards. Similar questions are brought up in Elsheshtawy’s photo essay, focusing on the mundane and underreported areas of the city. His photos, beautiful on their own, show Dubai’s spectacular architectural projects, such as the Burj Dubai (now Burj Khalifa), juxtaposed with its wider urban context of construction storage sites, abandoned buildings, and the more human-scale neighborhoods of the city’s low-income laborers. Contrasted in this way, Elsheshtawy presents a dialectical tension between Dubai’s projected identity and its actual population – and thus opposes hybridity – emphasizing both how a “spectacle [such as Burj Khalifa] can contribute to a general sense of alienation,” (Elsheshtawy, 135) but also how the overlooked communities of Dubai’s low-income workers are vibrant and full of life that is absent from his depictions of the city’s megaprojects; a clear critique of the spatial politics that exist within the city.
As someone who knows very little about the development of Dubai – and who has only been informed of Dubai through the non-representative process of Dubaization– Yasser Elsheshtawy’s book has been quite an illuminating read. In my final project for this class, I hope to continue researching the spatial tension between the exported image of Dubai and its lived reality. I am curious to do so particularly through a more detailed assessment of the concept of the spectaclethat exists in Dubai’s urban and architectural plans and by juxtaposing this with what Elsheshtawy calls “Dubai’s forgotten urban spaces.” (Elsheshtawy, 208) These urban spaces, utilized mostly by the city’s urban poor, are simultaneously what he deems “transitory spaces,”which is a concept I want to explore deeper. Lastly, I also hope to delve deeper into how Dubaization has been appropriated in other parts of the world and how this building of satellite-Dubai’s has influenced the perception of the city on both a local and global level.
Elsheshtawy, Yasser. Dubai: Behind an Urban Spectacle. London: Taylor & Francis, 2010.
InDubai: Behind an Urban Spectacle, Yasser Elsheshtawy argues that considering Dubai solely through its spectacular architectural projects and its illusive appearance of wealth presents a simplistic view of a city with manifold history, culture, and urban life. For many – including my middle-school friends and I – this artificial presentation becomes a singular truth; a “Borgesian reality,” ( Elsheshtawy, 1) confirmed through the conventional Western image of the city as built on a tabula rasa and exported through the concept of Dubaization. Dubaization presents a rapid urbanization which relies on spectacular and non-contextual megaprojects; a product of neoliberalism that has been argued as a tool that “poor countries can leverage to catapult themselves into first-world levels of affluence.” (Elsheshtawy, 251) However, while Dubaization has been appropriated in other cities in the Middle East and beyond, it is important to note that it rejects Dubai’s non-singular history in search of an exportable and cohesive narrative that focuses on the city’s new and spectacular developments. However, as Elsheshtawy aims to prove, the narrative of the city is far from singular, with multiple actors, interests, and histories constantly in play. In order to understand Dubai in its full complexity, Elsheshtawy instead suggests looking at the city’s lesser-known spaces, often hidden behind a spectacular façade of megaprojects. By looking beyond, into hidden alleyways and traditional neighborhoods, “the true Dubai emerges which is not a representation or a fake reality.” (Elsheshtawy, 3)
In order to deconstruct Dubai as a Borgesian reality, Elsheshtawy begins by classifying the city as aspiring to be a global city – “evidenced spatially in its gleaming towers […] and so on” – which the author finds “highly problematic.” (Elsheshtawy, 18) The concept of a global city is typically associated with metropolises such as London, New York, and Tokyo, but is becoming increasingly widespread as more cities expand and globalize. Popularized by social geographer Saskia Sassen in her work on globalization and human migration, the global city is defined as, in Elsheshtawy’s words, “a city which concentrates financial services and acts as a command-and-control center for the rest of the world.” (Elsheshtawy, 21) The global city hypothesis homogenizes the process of globalization, which Elsheshtawy deems dubious. Instead, he claims that in reality, Dubai may be more of a transnational city than its exported appearance of a global one, meaning an association with resistance and where “both global and local processes occur almost simultaneously.” (Elsheshtawy, 211) In Dubai, this concept of transnationalism can largely be seen in the spatial manifestation of Dubai’s as a “migrant city,” (Elsheshtawy, 18) home to more than 200 nationalities and a population comprised of “more than 90% of non-residents.” (Elsheshtawy, 1) However, this side of Dubai is rarely popularized in mainstream media, that chooses instead to focus on the neoliberal economic policy of Dubaization and the “visible manifestation of the sizeable new consumer elite.” (Elsheshtawy, 22) In Elsheshtawy’s argument, the built environment becomes especially influential in this context, “because [buildings] give the appearance of a global city” that makes the exported image of Dubai – this Borgesian reality – so prominent.
Looking closer at Dubai’s status as a “migrant city,” reveals the emergence of “a new form of citizen […] – a transnational subject,” as manifested in the city’s spatial practices. Elsheshtawy explains that “in spite of the existence of numerous nationalities, each has its own dedicated space,” (Elsheshtawy, 28) and residents occupy both the city as a local space and their (remote) home as a global setting. (Elsheshtawy, 211) Here, Elsheshtawy problematizes the concept of hybridity which otherwise is often associated with these transnational members. According to him, the concept of hybridity, or when certain sociocultural practices are merged to generate a new identity, implies a notion of “happy co-existence [that] does not bear much relation to reality.” (Elsheshtawy, 211) In Dubai, hybridity is problematized through not only a complex history of migration, but also “the city’s dilemma in articulating a clearly definable identity,” (Elsheshtawy, 95) an obvious issue in forming the cohesive export of Dubaization. Expanding upon this argument, Elsheshtawy writes of efforts by city officials to re-invent Dubai’s complex heritage, with city officials going so far as to claim that “identity is something that is unfortunately lacking in Dubai,”(Elsheshtawy, 96) which dismisses the complex history of Dubai’s migrant population. Nevertheless, efforts have been made to establish a cohesive and “illusive ‘Arab’ identity” in the city’s new developments, something Elsheshtawy argues was never really part of the city’s history to begin with. Instead, Elsheshtawy argues that – while Dubai’s heritage might not be culturally cohesive – its vibrant existence can be found in the often-overlooked parts of the city. Examples of this can be seen in Elsheshtawy’s ethnographic accounts of the Hindu Temple and the Iranian Special Ustadi Restaurant, which are both tucked away from the city’s main spaces but whose vibrant atmospheres may to Dubai’s expatriate population be “a reminder of home.” (Elsheshtawy, 87) Their spatial location in the city is argued to highlight the sense of ‘foreignness,’ but also begs the question of who is foreign and who is not; and for whom the city is really geared towards. Similar questions are brought up in Elsheshtawy’s photo essay, focusing on the mundane and underreported areas of the city. His photos, beautiful on their own, show Dubai’s spectacular architectural projects, such as the Burj Dubai (now Burj Khalifa), juxtaposed with its wider urban context of construction storage sites, abandoned buildings, and the more human-scale neighborhoods of the city’s low-income laborers. Contrasted in this way, Elsheshtawy presents a dialectical tension between Dubai’s projected identity and its actual population – and thus opposes hybridity – emphasizing both how a “spectacle [such as Burj Khalifa] can contribute to a general sense of alienation,” (Elsheshtawy, 135) but also how the overlooked communities of Dubai’s low-income workers are vibrant and full of life that is absent from his depictions of the city’s megaprojects; a clear critique of the spatial politics that exist within the city.
As someone who knows very little about the development of Dubai – and who has only been informed of Dubai through the non-representative process of Dubaization– Yasser Elsheshtawy’s book has been quite an illuminating read. In my final project for this class, I hope to continue researching the spatial tension between the exported image of Dubai and its lived reality. I am curious to do so particularly through a more detailed assessment of the concept of the spectaclethat exists in Dubai’s urban and architectural plans and by juxtaposing this with what Elsheshtawy calls “Dubai’s forgotten urban spaces.” (Elsheshtawy, 208) These urban spaces, utilized mostly by the city’s urban poor, are simultaneously what he deems “transitory spaces,”which is a concept I want to explore deeper. Lastly, I also hope to delve deeper into how Dubaization has been appropriated in other parts of the world and how this building of satellite-Dubai’s has influenced the perception of the city on both a local and global level.
References
Elsheshtawy, Yasser. Dubai: Behind an Urban Spectacle. London: Taylor & Francis, 2010.